Guy Fawkes: Resurrected and Redeemed?

by Jesse Harasta on September 4, 2012

Remember, Remember the Fifth of November…

Guy Fawkes has been reborn.  I saw him a few days ago, grinning devilishly from a poster on the door of my credit union. Before that, I spotted him at a rally in New York City, and just the other night I saw him lit aflame on a cold Upstate New York hillside.  His North American renaissance is in stark contrast to the slow decline of “his” holiday in Britain and its symbolic potency there.

This contrast—American embrace and British askance—sits at the heart of the current meanings of a complex and old symbol, one whose adoption by the Left on this side of the Atlantic has been largely without serious debate of its implications.  While today Fawkes (and his notorious grin) is associated in the minds of many with resistance and anarchism, this incarnation is the current moment in a long road for “Guido Fawkes” (the name he signed on his 1605 confession).  Moreover, his earlier links to virulent anti-Catholicism, staunch British nationalism/royalism and the foundations of the eventual global imperial project need to be recognized openly, since a rewriting of a symbol does not erase its previous meanings.

In this article, I will trace a history of the symbol of “the Guy” and reveal its twisting, mutating story; in the process, I hope to show how earlier traces of nationalism, xenophobia, and imperialism still cling about “the Guy.”

While these traces should not necessarily lead to our rejection of the symbol, I do hope to question our current, unexamined uses of it.

Guido Fawkes and the Failed Revolution

The “story” of Guy Fawkes dates back to the Catholic-Protestant wars of the late 16th and early 17th centuries, wars that serve as the stage for the coalescence of the modern European nation-states that later turned their energies outwards in the grand imperial and capitalist projects.

At the point of Fawkes’ Gunpowder Plot (1605), the English monarchs had declared themselves Protestant (in 1534), and religious conflict convulsed the kingdom for the better part of 70 years—including uprisings in 1549—and was veering towards civil war in 1634. Along with England, the Low Countries were involved in a brutal war against the Hapsburg Crown (in this case primarily the crowns of Spain and Austria) over the entwined questions of independence and religion. The Dutch and English kingdoms were closely linked, eventually leading to the imposition of a Dutch Protestant King—William of Orange—over England after the Civil War.

Fawkes and his associates were advocates of the Catholic faith, an illegal act in England at the time (one punishable by death in some circumstances) and Fawkes had fought for the Spanish in the brutal Belgian wars against the Protestant Dutch.  Allegedly, he and his associates attempted to set charges of gunpowder under the Halls of Parliament to destroy the Monarch and assembled Parliament. They were caught the night before, tortured, and eventually executed.

In the wake of these events, James Stuart seized upon the event to tighten his control over the English Crown (he was the first monarch to hold both English and Scottish thrones) and forward the centralization project of the previous dynasty—the Tudors—creating the entity that we know today at the United Kingdom. James initiated the Ulster Plantation that was an early colonial project in the north of Ireland (and the predecessor to modern Northern Ireland), defeated the Catholic Irish forces in the Nine Year’s War, cemented the theory of divine monarchy in his 1598 tract The True Law of Free Monarchies, and established the first British colonies in the Americas (Jamestown in 1607) and Bermuda (1609).

The Gunpowder Plot was a propaganda coup for James and his followers, and they quickly turned it into the first national holiday in England, encouraging the people to burn effigies of Fawkes and the Pope and inspiring bloody poems and songs.  The state machine was able to demonize Catholics, creating a perfect enemy: simultaneously over there (in France, Austria, and Spain), over here (among Catholic loyalists and spies) and under here (in the burgeoning Irish colonial project).

Fawkes the Straw Man: Catholics and the British State

The modern British state has long understood itself as a besieged bastion surrounded by enemies.  The classic post-James British depict themselves as rational, Protestant, modern, white men balanced between radicalism and tradition.  This identity, which is familiar to any scholar of British colonial ideology in places like India and Africa, was first established in contrast to what is now called the “Celtic Periphery”: Wales, the Scottish Highlands and Islands, Cornwall, the Isle of Man and, especially, Ireland.  These regions were seen as effeminate, emotional (for instance better at music and art, fired by uncontrollable passions), mystical and, typically, Catholic.

This ideology justified the domination and exploitation of these regions and was eventually exported to British colonial projects around the globe.

The Catholic-Protestant divide—which is a stand-in for this complex set of contrasting identities—is easiest to see today in the North of Ireland, where it still fuels violence, but is in fact common throughout Britain.  The Catholics are the eternal internal “Other” for Britain and while most residents of Great Britain scorn both sides of the Northern Irish conflict, the middle classes still practice a form of anti-Catholic rhetoric couched in the “rationalist” logic of contemporary Atheism.  The recent arrival of the Pope in London excited far more vehemence from the middle-class atheist movement than any other religious leader, and the rhetoric that swirled around his arrival—Catholics as “priest-ridden,”  their doctrines as “illogical” and “dangerous,” and an obsession with their sexual practices—echo generations of anti-Catholic propaganda, of which Guy Fawkes Day is simply the most obvious tip.

The current unease with the holiday in Britain, which is typically referred  in recent years to by its less political name “Bonfire Night,” is no doubt related to the fading relevance of the anti-Catholic project in a Britain linked to the European Union and to an English Right more concerned with Muslim xenophobia than what the Pope is up to.  Certainly, generations of anti-racist, pro-solidarity activism have also played a role in these transformations.

Vote for Guy Fawkes: The Only Man Ever to Enter Parliament with Honest Intentions

At the same time that his place in the Pantheon of Villains has faded, Guy Fawkes has enjoyed a rebirth as an anti-state symbol.  In the 1960s, British anarchists created posters calling for people to vote for Fawkes and, in general, opposition to the state can easily bleed into sympathy for Guy.

This may also be a reflection of the declining social power of the Catholic Church and Catholic identity in the 20th century, the institution was less willing or able to demand a wider recognition of Fawkes as a symbol oppression.

The real transformation, however, came about with the publication of V For Vendetta in 1989 written by the legendary comic author (and anarchist) Alan Moore and drawn by David Lloyd. Depicting a dystopian, fascist future for Britain, Moore and Lloyd create a strange, subversive hero “V” who wages personal war against the state wearing a Guy Fawkes mask and reciting soliloquies to anarchy, his mistress.  Armed with a love for the theatrical, a knowledge of his own freedom, and a set of knives, V successfully blows up Parliament and brings down the state while never revealing his identity (if he has one).  He is an surreal everyman and a brilliant conversion of the symbol of Guy Fawkes from a pro-State “straw man” (literal and figurative) to the personification of an anti-State vendetta fought for all free peoples.

Moore-Lloyd’s re-imagining of Fawkes/V remained largely within comic and anarchist circles until the 2006 release of a film based on the book (though one where V’s anarchism disappears and is replaced by a more facile love of freedom).  At this point, the symbol—distilled into a mask that could be worn by “every man” (and woman)—went viral and became the stand-in for Anonymous, an anti-authoritarian internet movement.

Guy Fawkes began to appear throughout the world, first protesting Scientology’s obsession with secrecy and control, then the repression of the Pirate Bay website, support for Wikileaks, the Arab Spring, the Iranian election revolt and the Wisconsin occupation and finally, in the ongoing Occupy movement.   He has most recently appeared as the literal poster child of the National Bank Transfer Day. 

This “everyman” phenomenon may be due to a number of reasons: as a replacement for the balaclava (or the creepy white hoods ETA spokespeople wear) that retains the user’s anonymity while not having the same associations with armed insurrection.  Recently, however, to the practicality of anonymity in struggle has been added the symbolic idea that behind the mask the revolutionary can be anyone and, ideally, everyone.  This universality, while a key element of the storyline of the Moore-Lloyd re-imagining, was perhaps first harnessed in real-life struggles by the Zapatista public relations teams, which saw the balaclava as representing their populism (a phenomenon which is perhaps being repeated with the symbolic power of the Balaclava in the ongoing support for Pussy Riot in Russia and beyond).

It has certainly played a key role in Fawkes’ rise to prominence: by donning the mask, anyone can become the hero of the revolution, anyone can step forward to claim to speak with the voice of the people.  Because of this power, Fawkes is a symbol that we cannot simply dismiss; we should instead address it in an engaged, historically informed manner.

The Future of Fawkes

The Fawkes of post-2006 is a child of Moore-Lloyd: a symbol for playful rebellion, anarchism as a lover, anonymity, and apparently wanton (electronic) destruction.  However, in a world where the North of Ireland remains colonized and the former colonized peoples of the Global South still struggle against the pervasive legacies of European (and American) imperialism—it is possible that a symbol like Fawkes cannot be fully separated from its oppressive origins.

The seizure of Fawkes echoes the recapture of symbols and names—like “Slut” in the “Slut Walks”—which are often deeply controversial in and of themselves.  Who has the power to reclaim a symbol?  Who can “safely” claim to be a “slut,” a “nigger” or “Guy Fawkes”?  Do white, male Protestants (or their cultural descendants, like many liberals or atheists) have the right or ability to claim Fawkes, and, if they do, can they erase its previous meanings?

I cannot answer this question, being neither a spokesman for a movement nor free from those cultural biases myself.

That said, Fawkes has tremendous potential for our movements and we should hesitate before throwing away any tool from our repertoire or taking stands that alienate Anonymous and communities of color in this moment of heightened struggle.  What I call for with this genealogy is instead a consciousness of the ongoing evolution of Fawkes and debate over its seizure by our movements.

To abandon Fawkes is to leave it to the English and Protestant xenophobes; in contrast, our capture and manipulation of it weakens their repertoire and enriches ours—to do it while being conscious on our part of its troubled genealogy within a wider discussion of the legacies of colonialism may deepen our commitment to solidarity and mutual struggle.

Jesse Harasta is a linguistic and cultural anthropologist who studies contemporary language and nationalism in Cornwall in the southwestern corner of the island of Great Britain.  He is a doctoral candidate at Syracuse University and an active participant in Occupy Syracuse and its Graduate Student Committee.

{ 26 comments… read them below or add one }

David Berger September 4, 2012 at 12:32 pm

I think that the heavy coincern of some people who call themselves Left with symbols rather than substance is dubious. It can be compared to the relationship between advertising and the product. Problematic. I would much rather see people concerned with organizing than with play-acting. Forgive me if I don’t like to confuse May Day and Halloween. I love both holidays but trick-or-treating and making a revolution are not the same.

David Berger


Arthur September 4, 2012 at 12:46 pm

The modern use of Guy Fawkes masks derives purely from “V for Vendetta” and has no connection with his historical role.

I found that film quite disturbing in its open advocacy of an individual terrorist hero in a “revolution” where the masses were simply animated robots carrying out the heros plans. Bizarrely it even praised him kidnapping and torturing his love object for the good of the cause!

No doubt a lot of the appeal within Occupy etc is not explicitly in support of that but siding with a “rebel” against the oppressors. But it still reflects vulnerability to really bad politics – much more extreme in its bad politics than previous individual hero models like Che Guevara.

As an entirely separate issue the article is also fundamentally wrong about the historic role of the real Guy Fawkes. The english bourgeois revolution took the form of a struggle by oppressed Protestants against oppressor Catholics. The attempt to blow up Parliament was part of a struggle to restore absolute monarchy and feudal social relations.


Jesse Harasta September 4, 2012 at 7:09 pm


I agree with your analysis of the film “V For Vendetta,” and I believe this is, to some extent, the ‘Hollywoodization’ of the earlier incarnation, which was far more nuanced and ambiguous towards the ethical status of its main character. However, I would dispute the idea that there is no connection between the current uses within various popular uprisings and protest movements and the earlier, state-supported uses in the British isles. Certainly, Moore-Lloyd knew of the connection and I know of a growing phenomenon of Guy Fawkes Day celebrations in the United States, including one which I attended last 5th of November which involved the singing of traditional Anti-Catholic songs which have largely disappeared from British events.

I strongly disagree with your analysis of the Protestant-Catholic divisions in British history. You conflate broad periods of British history; for instance the revolutionary, populist phase characterized by the Levellers and the Diggers was primarily around 1648-1649. Guido Fawkes died in 1605, almost 50 years before. When Guido Fawkes died, he was opposing not a revolutionary or even bourgeois government, but instead a man who sought to be an absolute monarch–James Stewart–and a Parliament (the two of which, granted, clashed) but together promoted the brutal colonization of Ireland, beginning of the colonization of the new world and a very real oppression of Catholics.

Your incredibly simplistic interpretation of this conflicted, highly complicated period of British history does no justice to the complexities in England, much less the convoluted effects that these politics had in the other lands drawn into the conflagration: Scotland, Wales, Cornwall and Ireland (not to mention the nascent colonies, such as Maryland which had its own Civil War in 1650). If you seek to move beyond a narrow, Anglo-centric and London-centric view of this period I would suggest starting in books that were enlightening to me: an excellent one is Mark Stoyle’s “Soldiers and strangers: an ethnic history of the English Civil War,” which was put out by Yale University Press in 2005.


Pham Binh of Occupy Wall Street, Class War Camp September 5, 2012 at 10:39 am

“I would dispute the idea that there is no connection between the current uses within various popular uprisings and protest movements and the earlier, state-supported uses in the British isles.”

Leave it to the anarchists to do something as creative and brave as “flipping the script” on the meaning of a symbol like Guy Fawkes. The only symbols we Marxists come up with are faces of our favorite thinkers on flags/banners, hammers and sickles, and clenched (red) fists. Comments like Dave’s above are a case in point.

I remember hearing the rapper Jadakiss refer to himself in songs as “Al Qaeda Jada,” some years after 9/11, which I think is another example of reversing the meaning of a symbol/word created and used by the ruling class.

“Certainly, Moore-Lloyd knew of the connection and I know of a growing phenomenon of Guy Fawkes Day celebrations in the United States, including one which I attended last 5th of November which involved the singing of traditional Anti-Catholic songs which have largely disappeared from British events.”

I wonder if this development has something to do with the myriad of scandals involving the Catholic Church.


Arthur September 5, 2012 at 11:46 am

Hi Jesse,

Glad we agree about “V for Vendetta”!

I don’t have enough historical knowledge to respond to your historical arguments with much more than the very short, and hence necessarily simplistic summary above. Thanks for the reference to Mark Stoyle but unfortunately I won’t have time for quite a while. Others might find it useful as an understanding of the history of bourgeois revolutions seems relevant to understanding the current situation in the Arab world.

For what it’s worth I assume the English bourgeois revolution that had its first success decades later was already a live issue in Guy Fawkes day. My understanding is that Protestantism grew up in opposition to the feudal order associated with the Catholic church and became the dominant ideology of the rising bourgeoisie. The Dutch struggle for independence for Spain in which Guy Fawkes fought on the side of Catholic Spain was eventually followed by a Dutch protestant army assisting the “Glorious Revolution” that ended the restoration.

Christopher Hill for example discusses the role of people like Edward Coke and Francis Bacon who were contemporaries of Guy Fawkes as part of the Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution:

As for the interaction with national issues, my understanding is that “Cromwell’s men” are still hated by Irish nationalists and the dutch “imposition” of William of Orange is still celebrated by Ulster protestants. The brutal suppression of Ireland is also associated with the later revolutionary populist phase, not just with Guy Fawkes time and in fact generally associated with Cromwell, who led the English revolution.

A revolution that took the form of a struggle between Protestant and Catholic religions was bound to have contradctory implications for Protestant and Catholic populations. Ireland played a counter-revolutionary role (with royalists seeking to raise an Irish army against the english parliamentary forces) just as the Netherlands played a revolutionary role. There is nothing odd about a bourgeois revolution having also involved national oppression of other nationalities.

An Anglo-centric view of that period seems reasonable to me. The English bourgeois revolution was about a century ahead of others and countries like Ireland were simply nowhere near ready for a bourgeois revolution.

I know this stuff is still significant in Ulster. But not in Australia (where I live) and I suspect not much in the rest of the UK.
“Traditional” anti-Catholic songs at US bonfires seem more likely to originate from the founding of America by Puritan revolutionaries who left England before the revolution than from current issues. That fact of Puritan emigration to America only 15 years after the gunpowder plot confirms that things were already bubbling.

Again, sorry but I’m only stating impressions and am not qualified to argue these issues in depth.


John B. Cannon September 4, 2012 at 4:06 pm

One line of this is confusing: “his earlier links to virulent anti-Catholicism.” Do you mean “virulent anti-Protestantism?”


Jesse Harasta September 4, 2012 at 6:54 pm

John- You’re confusing Guy Fawkes, the symbol, with Guido Fawkes, the man. Guido Fawkes was involved in virulent anti-protestantism for the few decades of his life, but the symbol, Guy Fawkes has served as a symbol of virulent anti-Catholicism for centuries. The story of Guido is, at least for this essay, simply the preface to the more important story of Guy Fawkes, a tool for British state propaganda, centralization and militarism.


David Berger September 5, 2012 at 11:53 am

Pham Binh wrote: “The only symbols we Marxists come up with are faces of our favorite thinkers on flags/banners, hammers and sickles, and clenched (red) fists. Comments like Dave’s above are a case in point.”

I don’t know where you’ve been hanging out, or perhaps you missed Paul Buhle’s Images of American Radicalism. And maybe you never went on a march in the Sixties and saw the beautiful graphics we used or the magnificent graphics produced by our French comrades during May-June 1968. But I guess the 20th Century is too stodgy for you. So maybe you’d rather expropriate an image that still reeks of anti-Catholicism.

By the way, what images are your Class War Camp going to march under at the Labor Day March or on S-17 or the support demos for the Chicago teachers? And what were you carrying this last weekend at the occupation of Hot and Crusty or the occupation of 3 Verizon stored?*

*All this refers to actions in the past week by the Occupy Wall Street Labor Alliance of which PB’s group is not a member.

David Berger


Pham Binh of Occupy Wall Street, Class War Camp September 5, 2012 at 12:19 pm

We’ve unanimously decided to permanently abstain from the class struggle since you’ve decided to appoint yourself attendance-taker/hall monitor.


David Berger September 5, 2012 at 12:42 pm

As far as anyone knows, your abstention began about the same time that your group began. So your group won’t exactly be missed. Anyway, see you on the barricades. Hopefully you’ll be on the workers’ side.

Seriously, though, you keep posting “Occupy Wall Street Class War Camp” next to your name. So, I suppose, this is means that you engage in class war. Now, if you want to be taken seriously in this regard, please let us know where and when you are doing this. There are plenty of opportunities right now. Otherwise, we are entitled to think that you and your group are full of shit.

David Berger


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