Thoughts on the New North Star

by Abraham Marx on August 30, 2013

(Editors Note: A version of this post was submitted to North Star for publication during the announcement of the hiatus. Despite wanting to run this in the spirit of discourse, we are sticking to our no original content for first three weeks of the month of September, but we are reposting it now that it has been released here.)

Love is not love
Which alters when it alteration finds,
Or bends with the remover to remove:
O no! it is an ever-fixed mark
That looks on tempests and is never shaken;
It is the star to every wandering bark,
Whose worth’s unknown, although his height be taken.

-Shakespeare, Sonnet 116

 I will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as justice. On this subject, I do not wish to think, or speak, or write, with moderation. … I am in earnest — I will not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat a single inch — AND I WILL BE HEARD. …

-William Lloyd Garrison

For millennia, brave navigators of sea and land would reckon their position, distance, and direction by the stars above. One of the most reliable for reckoning was the North Star. It had many names. Polaris was one. Few held as constant a place in the sky; nearly all the other stars and constellations wobbled in parallax. The night sky was a sure map and a calming expanse to untold numbers of humans caught up in strife, enduring the evils of wicked kings, lost at sea or far from home; it was the very presence of the divine, revealing secrets of the harvest, hints of the future.

In human affairs, there are few such constants. One of these is the enduring threat of slavery, one human in undisputed legal and psychological mastery over another. A slave put in the carriage of every Roman Emperor leading a triumph, an incarnated reminder of this threat. Another constant, dialectic-diametric, is opposing slavery for what it is, an unmitigated evil allowing every other possible cruelty and injustice. The lengths to which a master must go to ensure the submission and obedience of the slave, and the lengths to which a slave will go to win his freedom, are competing parallels of will.

Slavery is a wicked darkness, a night sky without starlight; freedom’s glimmer as steady a light in darkness as the North Star. This must have been the basic thinking behind Fredrick Douglass’ creation of an abolitionist newspaper called the North Star. His paper was small and struggled on for a few years. It tried to avoid attacking the reputation or sway of larger abolitionist papers like The Liberator. It later merged with another small abolitionist paper, and continued publication up until the Civil War.

The masthead of its first issue is unequivocal:

“The object of the North Star will be to attack slavery in all its forms and aspects; advocate universal emancipation; exalt the standard of public morality; promote the moral and intellectual improvement of the colored people; and hasten the day of freedom to the three millions of our enslaved fellow countrymen.”

What the North Star can teach the North Star I leave to the proprietors and supporters of the North Star. I infer that this name was chosen to move past sectarianism and scholasticism, and point the way toward a broader movement. The about page of the website says sort of the same thing, though it chooses to lead with Camejo (who?) instead of Douglass…

A paper that takes up the abolitionist mantle is striving to earn and exercise the authority of a distinctly American radicalism. What would that mean?

It might mean cleaning house –purging the American left of the fetish jargons and hobbyhorses of Marxism, Leninism, Trotskyism, Gramsci, Hardt and Negri, et al.  Extinguishing instead of fueling an endless quibble over sects, Camejo and Schachtman, SWP, ISO WSWS, etc etc etc etc.

It might consider narrowing its focus, covering only the United States of America, and its domestic and foreign policies. Striving to do so in a way that is competitive and threatening to mainstream outlets. This narrow focus would incubate constructive and cohesive coverage. And it would invite similarly disciplined outlets to carve into different niches. The earliest waves of articles (February 2012-a little past May Day 2012) the North Star published were reports of local Occupy movements and debates over future strategy. Trying to serve as ‘catch-all’ for grievances and radicalism (similar to Counterpunch or Truthout) is light pollution making navigation by stars more difficult.

It might consider going over to the offensive, engaging hostile blogospheres and news outlets, chronicling the movement and debates of genuine enemies. Enemies like the officer class, like the Republican fringe, like the neoreactionaries. There is just as much diversity and factionalism on the other side of the barricade; only they know how to march in lockstep against anything to their left, which often includes people like Romney. Engaging them, either to provoke further division among them, to fight hand to hand, or merely to understand the enemy, would focus the Marxist mind and bring clear consensus.

It might consider that publishing articles confirming stereotypes of the left can’t help, further embroiling it in a circular logic it needs to escape. For example, the animal question, or revisiting old slogans like democratic centralism, Leninism, anti-imperialism et al. Then there are the oh so clever academic flavored canards like anti-philosophy, and anti-politics. Eschewing high theory, debates over left liturgy, actively ignoring sectarian nonsense, and staying out of problems it can have no influence over, like Syria, would lead to editorial focus, longer-sighted strategy, and practical goals.

I may yet write a devil’s advocate criticism of the Left. It would be withering. Perhaps that is the only way to bring faults to light. But for now it suffices to say that many of the subjects of the merciless criticism of radicals are hobbyhorses – outgrowths of academic interests from college, emotional responses to a social-engineered divisiveness over cultural values, an intellectualized form of venting steam or of transposing personality politics onto ideological hairsplitting. The name-calling the left resorts to among itself exemplifies this: someone is racist or sexist or homophobic or imperialist or conservative or reactionary or –ist as soon as disagreements arise.

Make no mistake, the North Star could outdo the North Star. Given a clearer self-concept, functional alliances with other left outlets, and acquiring the taste for drawing blood from real opponents.

It could simply sneak into the powerful arsenal that is American history and arm the slaves with knowledge of their unfreedom. Abolitionism is powerful precisely because of its simplicity.

The basic framing of Abolitionism basically writes its own ticket, its own messaging. It dispenses with the need for Europhilic-Marxical language. Marx makes use of the two key terms ‘emancipate’ and ‘abolish’ in exactly the same sense as abolitionists did. This is no accident, it is how to smuggle Marx into the country by hiding his accent. Abolitionism brings the instincts and aims of political radicalism into the mainstream of American discourse. Furthermore, it outflanks the naïve hagiography of the Civil Rights Era, takes MLK off his pedestal, and leads him and his cohorts into the larger pantheon of heroes who fought for emancipation in the broadest possible sense.

Slavery is evil. Every form of support for slavery, especially the passive or implicit support, must be revealed and destroyed. There is no grey area, no middle ground, when it comes to slavery. Abolitionists are the only force strong enough to tear down every single legalistic, institutional, or patriotic argument that slaveowners or their mouthpieces could offer forth. Bolsheviks were the only force strong enough to dismantle Tsarism, refuse castration by liberal loyalties and apologia, and crush White forces.

Here we hit onto both the problem and its solution. Capitalism has revealed itself to be merely a slightly abstracted form of slavery. Whatever progressive content it had died in World War One, and was only propped up by the postwar Golden Age of welfare statism. We now have the worst of all possible worlds; neo-feudalism for the poor, communist solidarity among the wealthy, and we call it capitalism. Our bondage has become less abstract as it has become more and more concrete as mortgage, student, and medical debt-slavery.  Chains have become heavier and heavier in the form of wage-slavery, a wage slavery without even the illusion of savings, growth, or progress. Ashworth argues that budding capitalism and slave-labor could one coexist in America, but became incompatible as the republic expanded. We are now reaching an era in which capitalism and democracy are becoming increasingly incompatible.

Boiling it down to this, debt slavery or wage slavery, the country a company store or a debtor’s prison, means we don’t need to bring in anything other than a demand for emancipation. We must abolish slavery. (This is of course overlooking the ‘invention of capitalism’ that Perelman chronicles, that Marx called ‘primitive accumulation, that Harvey calls ‘accumulation by dispossession. If we wrap capital, dripping blood from every pore, up in the finery of neoclassical economics, it still has no manners and begins ordering us about as if we were its slaves, because we willingly and freely decided to enter the workforce and get onto its payroll.)

In Freehling’s book on secessionists, he devotes the opening chapters to portraying the day-to-day struggle balancing the status of the slave, tricky, deceitful, or de facto independent, with how masters endlessly refined methods to ensure maximum compliance, and the appearance of consent. Every social and institutional aid was necessary to ensure that the slave-owner’s will was sovereign. “Guns and books must never reach slave hands.” (61) The amount of rules, regulations, protocols, and ‘suggestions’ a slave had to abide by were innumerable. As Tacitus says, “The more numerous the laws, the more corrupt the government.” Who among us is not caught between juggling which (immigration, narcotic, sexual, labor) laws we violate, how often and when? Is that not the status of someone who is legally unfree?

If we are all slaves to pieces of paper called money or debt (or stocks or treasuries) then who are the slaveowners and how do we characterize them? They are the ultra-rich, a ruling class composed of people like Bloomberg and Soros and Murdoch and the Koch brothers. These are the owners of the United States, a plantation-state at best. They gladly suffer a coterie of fools in the media to think that they are free by making sure they have more money than they could reasonably spend (but not enough to build up a power base). Reporters, actors, popstars and the like.

And then of course there are the house slaves, the cops and bureaucrats and officers of the armed forces, the administrators of hospitals and schools. They fiercely uphold their cherished place in the house and vent all their rage and fear on the slaves out in the field. That is, those of us without a state sinecure, excess wealth, or raw power. Malcolm X made much hay with society as a plantation.

If it isn’t clear enough to anyone. Liberals have lost their way. They are very lame. They are stuck in a weird obsessive relationship with their masters – conservatives. As such they are by turns seeking the approval of these slaveowners, who will never give their approval, will never admit slavery is ‘wrong,’ and so liberals will never win its everlasting ‘argument’ or ‘debate’ with the slaveowning elite (who see this ‘argument’/’debate’ for what it really is – a ‘fight’ for their survival – and so have no limit to their ruthlessness). Perhaps more could be said about this in a different article, reminding us how liberals behaved in 1848, 1917, 1933.

The antebellum era has other useful insights. A government held in perpetual crisis, in large part because an elite class uses all its clout to muddle every other issue, as thin edge of the wedge or as bargaining chip to entrench and perpetuate its dominance.

The basic principle behind the Homestead Act, cheap housing which encourages social and geographical mobility AND individual initiative, is antithetical to what housing policy has been since at least Herbert Hoover, a debt-chain of obligation discouraging socialistic politics. The basic purpose of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and its remarkable effectiveness in the face of Congressional hostility and miniscule funding, could point the way to what a 21st century Reconstruction would be like. There is more too, if you care to look for it: protectionism, state funding for infrastructure projects, strong Federal intervention in critical spheres.

Abolitionism also has the benefit of revealing what lies behind the arguments for ‘State’s Rights,’ continued Southern dominance over American politics. Volume 3 of Robert Caro’s LBJ should make this point clear enough. The Senate is “‘the South’s unending revenge upon the North for Gettysburg’ not just revenge, unending revenge.” (xxiii) The South rules through state-houses, the Senate, and through party unity. (HEY! Abolitionists were some of the founding fathers of the GOP, and some of its strongest supporters and backers in the run-up to the Civil War; this threads the needle of what I said in my first article.)

To stand against a slaveowning elite requires a hard and uncompromising strength. It requires unbending principles that cannot be diluted, bought off, or misdirected. The Bolshevik stands against the Tsar because he cannot bend the knee. The Abolitionist stands against the Slaveowner because he will not become a slave.

The last and greatest benefit to the abolitionist frame is that emancipation is the goal. Every single individual who begins the process of self-emancipation is a victory. Self-expression is not the goal. Self-discipline and willpower grow, and become means to still greater ends. The slave who flees captivity, across the field or in his mind, becomes an example to other slaves, and a greater threat to the slaveowners. Enough of them go free, and a revolution occurs.

The North Star has given itself big shoes to fill simply by virtue of aligning itself with a name from the past. Can it live up to its name? Or will it meet Marx’s dictum about things that happen twice in history?

{ 18 comments… read them below or add one }

Karl Grant August 30, 2013 at 3:21 pm

To my reading this advocates an overly prescriptive guideline for the content to be carried by NorthStar. While obviously the key audience is American, and the unity project it promulgates is one that needs to be carried out on North American terrain – limiting content geographically ignores the transoceanic conversations which shape folks evolving understanding of the possibility and need for Left Unity.

For instance coverage of the SWP crisis in the UK is germane to activists in the States because it speaks to the lack of transparency and accountability in organizations on this side of the Atlantic, set up as more or less franchise/clones of their UK parents. On the other side of the coin, analysis of the DutchSp/Syriza/LeftFront can point towards the possibilities of a broad left project, as well as the potential pitfalls.

More generally social movements, no matter where they are, contain lessons for advancing the struggle here, and to ignore forming opinions or presenting perspectives on those issues is limiting. Finally on this point – my understanding is that the NS doesn’t exactly suffer from an overabundance of qualified columnists regularly submitting thoughtful and articulate analysis and as such should more or less take what it can get without lowering the bar to the point that drivel is floating through.

I think its important to highlight that one of the main values of NS has been the fact that it has a somewhat broad readership and can be a platform for leaking articles that won’t find publication elsewhere. I am thinking of a few articles but the critiques of internal culture in the ISO and the honest/brutal assessment of the state of Solidarity by a member stand out as the types of articles that gave voice to those lone voices advocating a new direction within sterile organizations.

Promulgating the perspective advanced here, namely that the NS should become an alternative news site to challenge msnbc and fox, while trolling right wing blogs, should be rejected by the mature activist readership and editorship. Most folks here are more or less on the same page with regard general critiques of US foreign policy/domestic politics, and NS is not the usual or best place to further explore these topics, nor really does it have the capacity to be.

I especially take issue with the approach of attempting to start flame/troll battles with right wing columnists or troll right wing blogs. This to me would encourage an already overly-pronounced tendency on NS of attracting internet radicals who due to boredom or personal temperament are more or less attracted to long winded internet debates that go nowhere.


Derick Varn August 30, 2013 at 5:47 pm

I do not think trolling or entryism with the right is particularly productive either.


Des Derwin September 1, 2013 at 12:45 am

Hear, hear, Karl Grant. These ‘Thoughts’, valuable in places, sound, to the non-American ear, more Stars and Stripes than The North Star. With a dose of anti-intellectualism too.


Arthur August 31, 2013 at 7:04 am

I understand that a new team in charge has to be especially sensitive about deleting hostile comments against them.

But could you PLEASE stop derailing the only current thread on the really important Syria question by responding to those comments.

Simply announce there are other threads available for such discussion, including this one and delete both your own replies and the off topic comments that are currently derailing that thread.

PS I still recommend a “junk thread” to which moderated comments get removed for transparency. Even if you don’t have time for that in general, you could still overcome current sensitivities by a “one off” copying of the off topic comments in the Syria thread to this or another thread.


Abraham Marx August 31, 2013 at 2:47 pm

Arthur – last I checked a bunch of leftists hashing it out over Syria on a tiny website will do exactly nothing to aid people in Syria and will only further obscure and inflame divisions among people arguing over it. (It should be a no-brainer that America shouldn’t go off and bomb another country. End of story.) The noise over Syria is proof there is no agreement or consensus on this or any issue.

Grant – if we are to move past the whole kit and kaboodle of sects, then wasting breath on sexism in the SWP or the culture of the ISO should be reserved for those sects themselves. The only real issue relating to sects would be demanding convergence, or trying to build a common platform. And even then it would suffer from a cloistered jargon of marxism, and a complete cluelessness about how most workers live and think.

As to ‘lessons’? We already know everything we need to know and so need to start doing things in the real world. Or we will never learn anything that will trigger a chance.

As to the NorthStar, if it doesn’t want to sync up with its historical forebear, that is to say to focus on America, to focus on ABOLISHING CAPITALISM and EMANCIPATING HUMANS, then perhaps it should change its name to Platypus-Lite or, still more creative, Echidna!

I am advocating that the left take some very very bitter medicine about how little connection it has to the real world, that is to say off the internet, in the workplace, giving hope to everyone toiling miserably for a pittance. Nothing we have said or done or thought, since at least 1968 or so, has had any impact, and so we need to start from scratch. Going back to a time of homegrown American radicalism – abolitionism as opposed to anything in the 20th century, seems not only wise but necessary.

And, as to the last point, trolling/flaming the right, last I checked there is a class struggle going on, yes? Are we to argue amongst ourselves about the ideal party, or are we to go and face the enemy, and listen to the thoughtless evil spew he offers forth (i.e. go and take a look around at the resurgence of hard social darwinism, racialism, etc…. then come back and see how relevant some of the nonsense posted here seems). Struggle and conflict is the only way forward.


Richard Estes August 31, 2013 at 5:52 pm

“I may yet write a devil’s advocate criticism of the Left. It would be withering. Perhaps that is the only way to bring faults to light. But for now it suffices to say that many of the subjects of the merciless criticism of radicals are hobbyhorses – outgrowths of academic interests from college, emotional responses to a social-engineered divisiveness over cultural values, an intellectualized form of venting steam or of transposing personality politics onto ideological hairsplitting. The name-calling the left resorts to among itself exemplifies this: someone is racist or sexist or homophobic or imperialist or conservative or reactionary or –ist as soon as disagreements arise.”

This is an implicitly workerist response, which doesn’t make it bad, but does make it one that doesn’t account for the fracturing of the working class and the privatization of the social sphere, as I addressed here some months ago (please note the last sentence if you consider the “academic” references tiresome):

“. . . . . Why was Occupy primarily a convergence of marginalized peoples with tangential labor involvement? Why was Occupy so cacophonous, and why did its participants, with the exception of Occupy Oakland, fail to strongly emphasize working class issues, instead opting for a more vague critique of crony capitalism?

A recent New Left Review article by German academic Wolfgang Streeck, “Citizens as Consumers”, provides some guidance in navigating through complex social waters in an attempt to answer these questions. Streeck observes that, in the immediate post-World War II period, the economies of the US and Europe grew rapidly as they satisfied “needs”: cars, dishwashers, ovens and other utilitarian appliances. Consumers placed orders for them and often waited weeks, if not months, to receive them. There was little differentiation between products. Beginning in the 1960s, however, consumers began to insist upon customization so that they could visibly distinguish themselves from others. In the 1970s and 1980s, product differentiation paralleled the public acknowledgement of heretofore suppressed social identities, such as race, gender and sexual orientation, and the emergence of categories within them.

American workers, like their brethren in Europe, place more importance upon their activity as consumers than they do upon their working class status, interweaving this with their now publicly accepted social identity. Capital accumulation in the US economy is now accomplished through the satisfaction of an ever expanding universe of “wants” generated by a synergy between consumers and producers through, initially, marketing surveys, and now, social media. Social media has intensified a specialization of work, consumption and identity beyond quantification.

So far, there is nothing unique about this analysis. Baudrillard, drawing upon the work of 1960s American sociologists, recognized it as it was happening. Streeck’s insight is that people in the US and Europe relate to the public, political sphere in the same way that they do the private one of consumption. They consider politics as yet another opportunity for the fulfillment of particularized individual “wants”. In such a setting, it becomes difficult to perpetuate collective forms of political organization because participants insist upon self-actualization.”


Abraham Marx August 31, 2013 at 7:20 pm

I like what you wrote. Which article was it?

As to the fracturing of working class identity and unity, you’re right to note the burgeoning of the market itself in offering too many choices. Then there is of course the Thatcher-Reagan culture war revival that turned political consumption into a premium commodity-identity. Religious revival and bitter atheism; gun nut and pacifist; etc. Not merely different consumption patterns, but anti-thetical consumption patterns.

But it goes deeper than these things. It’s the software installed in our minds that is really the tricky part.

I can only suggest David Foster Wallace’s essay on television as a jumping off point. But essentially, it lays out something I think is extremely divisive: the response to entertainment, the way spectation becomes addiction.

On one hand, you have people who watch too much TV, and who absorb the message of TV to the hilt. Money glamour sex; petty-infighting, gossip, betrayal. They believe in the rat race because there are oh so many success stories on TV.

On the other hand, you have people who watch too much TV, who recognize the message underneath it, but who respond primarily by turning to criticism. Broadly construed. As in sarcasm, as in becoming snobby and distinguishing, as in becoming ‘postmodern’ as in snarky self-reflexive, anti-naive.

And TV makes people lonely, while offering them a relief from their loneliness. And imbues really false expectations of life, how to be with other people, and what to expect from other people. Everyone is spectacting even as internally they are cosmic protagonists. Which makes unionizing or party building a little difficult when the order, hierarchy, and division of labor necessary to do these things is so unsexy, detail-oriented, and without any foreseeable payoff.


Richard Estes September 1, 2013 at 3:13 am

Oops, forgot to provide the link. Note that I got pilliored for saying that the working class “as conceptualized in the 19th and 20th centuries” no longer exists. Of course, I didn’t mean to say that there is no longer a working class, but that it is very different. Anyway, here is the link:

Will try to comment further on your remarks when I find the time.


Christian September 2, 2013 at 2:10 am

“The earliest waves of articles (February 2012-a little past May Day 2012) the North Star published were reports of local Occupy movements and debates over future strategy. Trying to serve as ‘catch-all’ for grievances and radicalism (similar to Counterpunch or Truthout) is light pollution making navigation by stars more difficult.

I agree!


Derick Varn September 2, 2013 at 4:59 am

Debates over strategy are only meaningful if you actually understand the war–see Occupy’s own history. But let me even more frank: Truthout is basically “a radical” liberal publication, and Counterpunch is a mixture of red-and-brown. Neither are actually catch-alls, and both have an agenda. Most “leftists” do not see that because they do not actually know the origins of what is being advocated, why, and by whom despite the fact it is sometimes plain as day.

You guys want to jump to strategy–that implies you have a handle on the situation and the key questions–and if that were true, you would not need a publication like even the early North Star. Yet things seem to be largely the same as they were pre-2011, which is a problem if one was actually ready for true strategy talk.

That is not to say we should not ever talk strategy, but we should be much more realistic about where we are, and honestly much more aware that many things that claim to broad and inclusive–in fact, even try to broad and inclusive–are not. The blurry star there may just end up being a reflection of a past light in another direction if one is not careful.


Abraham Marx September 2, 2013 at 2:22 pm

Derick, there once would have been a time where I would have shouted hosanna to what you just wrote. Would have found it the end of the debate.

I once felt as you do. There is so little spontaneous movement from the workers; occupy was crushed by a powerful state; the two party noise machine (and the parasites upon the two party machine, responding to the noise machine instead of building something new) takes up all the ‘legitimate’ political space.

Immiseration, dilution of education, the divide and conquer tactics imposed upon groups of workers are all significantly advanced. Culture is at best shallow and dumb, at worst arrested to the status quo. This breeds a double hopelessness; on one end the socialists and intellectuals see no reason to hope in most people; most people see no one standing against Goliath.

I read counterpunch a fair deal. I enjoy some of what is posted there. I’ve never much bothered with truthout. I have tried to stop gorging on ‘news,’ most of which only further engenders hopelessness or makes one angry.

The subtext of your characterization of CP and TO are that they aren’t “good enough” or don’t pass the litmus test. I’ve felt that way about everything that existed once. I was once hyper-critical and it both justified and hardened a passiveness, a fear of failure, a hopelessness. Now I can’t afford such a luxury.

But I keep coming back again and again to the Feuerbach Theses. The only way to change things is to begin somewhere, anywhere. A soldier fighting a war does not need to understand every front or the whole of the war (in point of fact such knowledge might lead to self doubt and defeat). Most of us who have fallen down the rabbit hole don’t need any further information; hell we don’t even need a fully coherent strategy; by force of habit and lack of opportunity to connect to the mass of people, we turn to arguing and debating amongst ourselves. Instead, we need to start focusing on action, on what can be done, what can be attacked.

Taking action speaks louder than editorializing. Taking action demonstrates to passive supporters that they can invest in you. For a news outlet limited to the internet, this would mean some of the stuff I suggested in the article I sent last week and the article I sent earlier. The use of comedy or satire. Or a coordinated attempt to start fleshing out wikipedia. Or a movement to try and start debating the parts of the right that are equally disgusted with bipartisan washington; we will find common ground with them, or they will repulse us strongly and make us overcome our petty differences.

We must turn from critical theory to construction in concrete.


Anthony Abdo September 9, 2013 at 1:48 pm

I come to the North Star and I simply do not see anything relevant to this week’s main event in the commentary headings, which is to be the launching of DIRECT war against Syria (and by extension Iran) by the US military. The Left is absent the struggle to stop this from happening by and large. How in the Hell did that ever happen? And just what has North Star been discussing all this time? The planning for this war has been for many years, too. What Has the Left been doing about it?


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