A Vision from the North

by Admin on January 17, 2015

Admin: the Regina Manifesto was the program of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, a decently-sized socialist group in Canada which participated in elections, and was launched in response to the Great Depression. After McCarthyism it eventually devolved into the New Democratic Party, a more Keynesian formation which recently removed even its solely rhetorical socialism from its programs.  The Manifesto can be accessed at the Socialist History Project of Canada.

The Regina Manifesto (1933)
Co-operative Commonwealth Federation Programme

regina manifesto

Adopted by the founding convention in Regina, Saskatchewan, July, 1933.

The CCF is a federation of organizations whose purpose is the establishment in Canada of a Co-operative Commonwealth in which the principle regulating production, distribution and exchange will be the supplying of human needs and not the making of profits.

WE AIM TO REPLACE the present capitalist system, with its inherent injustice and inhumanity, by a social order from which the domination and exploitation of one class by another will be eliminated, in which economic planning will supersede unregulated private enterprise and competition, and in which genuine democratic self-government, based upon economic equality will be possible. The present order is marked by glaring inequalities of wealth and opportunity, by chaotic waste and instability; and in an age of plenty it condemns the great mass of the people to poverty and insecurity. Power has become more and more concentrated into the hands of a small irresponsible minority of financiers and industrialists and to their predatory interests the majority are habitually sacrificed. When private profit is the main stimulus to economic effort, our society oscillates between periods of feverish prosperity in which the main benefits go to speculators and profiteers, and of catastrophic depression, in which the common man’s normal state of insecurity and hardship is accentuated. We believe that these evils can be removed only in a planned and socialized economy in which our natural resources and principal means of production and distribution are owned, controlled and operated by the people.

The new social order at which we aim is not one in which individuality will be crushed out by a system of regimentation. Nor shall we interfere with cultural rights of racial or religious minorities. What we seek is a proper collective organization of our economic resources such as will make possible a much greater degree of leisure and a much richer individual life for every citizen.

This social and economic transformation can be brought about by political action, through the election of a government inspired by the ideal of a Co-operative Commonwealth and supported by a majority of the people. We do not believe in change by violence. We consider that both the old parties in Canada are the instruments of capitalist interests and cannot serve as agents of social reconstruction, and that whatever the superficial differences between them, they are bound to carry on government in accordance with the dictates of the big business interests who finance them. The CCF aims at political power in order to put an end to this capitalist domination of our political life. It is a democratic movement, a federation of farmer, labour and socialist organizations, financed by its own members and seeking to achieve its ends solely by constitutional methods. It appeals for support to all who believe that the time has come for a far-reaching reconstruction of our economic and political institutions and who are willing to work together for the carrying out of the following policies:

1. Planning

The establishment of a planned, socialized economic order, in order to make possible the most efficient development of the national resources and the most equitable distribution of the national income.

The first step in this direction will be setting up of a National Planning Commission consisting of a small body of economists, engineers and statisticians assisted by an appropriate technical staff.

The task of the Commission will be to plan for the production, distribution and exchange of all goods and services necessary to the efficient functioning of the economy; to co-ordinate the activities of the socialized industries; to provide for a satisfactory balance between the producing and consuming power; and to carry on continuous research into all branches of the national economy in order to acquire the detailed information necessary to efficient planning.

The Commission will be responsible to the Cabinet and will work in co-operation with the Managing Boards of the Socialized Industries.

It is now certain that in every industrial country some form of planning will replace the disintegrating capitalist system. The C.C.F. will provide that in Canada the planning shall be done, not by a small group of capitalist magnates in their own interests, but by public servants acting in the public interest and responsible to the people as a whole.

2. Socialization Of Finance

Socialization of all financial machinery–banking currency, credit, and insurance, to make possible the effective control of currency, credit and prices, and the supplying of new productive equipment for socially desirable purposes

Planning by itself will be of little use if the public authority has not the power to carry its plans into effect. Such power will require the control of finance and of all those vital industries and services, which, if they remain in private hands, can be used to thwart or corrupt the will of the public authority. Control of finance is the first step in the control of the whole economy. The chartered banks must be socialized and removed from the control of private profit-seeking interests; and the national banking system thus established must have at its head a Central Bank to control the flow of credit and the general price level, and to regulate foreign exchange operations. A National Investment Board must also be set up, working in co-operation with the socialized banking system to mobilize and direct the unused surpluses of production for socially desired purposes as determined by the Planning Commission.

Insurance Companies, which provide one of the main channels for the investment of individual savings and which, under their present competitive organization, charge needlessly high premiums for the social services that they render, must also be socialized.

3. Social Ownership

Socialization (Dominion, Provincial or Municipal) of transportation, communications, electric power and all other industries and services essential to social planning, and their operation under the general direction of the Planning Commission by competent managements freed from day to day political interference.

Public utilities must be operated for the public benefit and, not for the private profit of a small group of owners or financial manipulators. Our natural resources must be developed by the same methods. Such a programme means the continuance and extension of the public ownership enterprises in which most governments in Canada have already gone some distance. Only by such public ownership, operated on a planned economy, can our main industries be saved from the wasteful competition of the ruinous overdevelopment and over-capitalization which are the inevitable outcome of capitalism. Only in a regime of public ownership and operation will the full benefits accruing from centralized control and mass production be passed on to the consuming public.

Transportation, communications and electric power must come first in a list of industries to be socialized. Others, such as mining, pulp and paper and the distribution of milk, bread, coal and gasoline, in which exploitation, waste, or financial malpractices are particularly prominent must next be brought under social ownership and operation.

In restoring to the community its natural resources and in taking over industrial enterprises from private into public control we do not propose any policy of outright confiscation. What we desire is the most stable and equitable transition to the Cooperative Commonwealth. It is impossible to decide the policies to be followed in particular cases in an uncertain future, but we insist upon certain broad principles. The welfare of the community must take supremacy over the claims of private wealth. In times of war, human life has been conscripted. Should economic circumstances call for it, conscription of wealth would be more justifiable. We recognize the need for compensation in the case of individuals and institutions which must receive adequate maintenance during the transitional period before the planned economy becomes fully operative. But a CCF government will not play the role of rescuing bankrupt private concerns for the benefit of promoters and of stock and bond holders. It will not pile up a deadweight burden of unremunerative debt which represents claims upon the public treasury of a functionless owner class.

The management of publicly owned enterprises will be vested in boards who will be appointed for their competence in the industry and will conduct each particular enterprise on efficient economic lines. The machinery of management may well vary from industry to industry, but the rigidity of Civil Service rules should be avoided and likewise the evils of the patronage system as exemplified in so many departments of the Government today.

Workers in these public industries must be free to organize in trade unions and must be given the right to participate in the management of the industry.

4. Agriculture

Security of tenure for the farmer upon his farm on conditions to be laid down by individual provinces; insurance against unavoidable crop failure; removal of the tariff burden from the operations of agriculture; encouragement of producers’ and consumers’ cooperatives; the restoration and maintenance of an equitable relationship between prices of agricultural products and those of other commodities and services; and improving the efficiency of export trade in farm products.

The security of tenure for the farmer upon his farm which is imperilled by the present disastrous situation of the whole industry, together with adequate social insurance, ought to be guaranteed under equitable conditions.

The prosperity of agriculture, the greatest Canadian industry, depends upon a rising volume of purchasing power of the masses in Canada for all farm goods consumed at home, and upon the maintenance of large scale exports of the stable commodities at satisfactory prices or equitable commodity exchange.

The intense depression in agriculture today is a consequence of the general world crisis caused by the normal workings of the capitalistic system resulting in: (1) Economic nationalism expressing itself in tariff barriers and other restrictions of world trade; (2) The decreased purchasing power of unemployed and under-employed workers and of the Canadian people in general; (3) The exploitation of both primary producers and consumers by monopolistic corporations who absorb a great proportion of the selling price of farm products. (This last is true, for example, of the distribution of milk and dairy products, the packing industry, and milling.)

The immediate cause of agricultural depression is the catastrophic fall in the world prices of foodstuffs as compared with other prices, this fall being due in large measure to the deflation of currency and credit. To counteract the worst effect of this, the internal price level should be raised so that the farmers’ purchasing power may be restored.

We propose therefore:

  1. The improvement of the position of the farmer by the increase of the purchasing power made possible by the social control of the financial system. This control must be directed towards the increase of employment as laid down elsewhere and towards raising the prices of farm commodities by appropriate credit and foreign policies.
  2. Whilst the family farm is the accepted basis for agricultural production in Canada the position of the farmer may be much improved by: (a) The extension of consumers’ cooperatives for the purchase of farm supplies and domestic requirements; and (b) The extension of cooperative institutions for the processing and marketing of farm products.
  3. Both of the foregoing to have suitable state encouragement and assistance.
  4. The adoption of a planned system of agricultural development based upon scientific soil surveys directed towards better land utilization, and a scientific policy of agricultural development for the whole of Canada.
  5. The substitution for the present system of foreign trade, of a system of import boards to improve the efficiency of overseas marketing, to control prices, and to integrate the foreign trade policy with the requirements of the national economic plan.

5. External Trade

The regulation in accordance with the National plan of external trade through import and export boards

Canada is dependent on external sources of supply for many of her essential requirements of raw materials and manufactured products. These she can obtain only by large exports of the goods she is best fitted to produce. The strangling of our export trade by insane protectionist policies must be brought to an end. But the old controversies between free traders and protectionists are now largely obsolete. In a world of nationally organized economies Canada must organize the buying and selling of her main imports and exports under public boards, and take steps to regulate the flow of less important commodities by a system of licenses. By so doing she will be enabled to make the best trade agreements possible with foreign countries, put a stop to the exploitation of both primary producer and ultimate consumer, make possible the coordination of internal processing, transportation and marketing of farm products, and facilitate the establishment of stable prices for such export commodities.

6. Co-operative Institutions

The encouragement by the public authority of both producers’ and consumers’ cooperative institutions

In agriculture, as already mentioned, the primary producer can receive a larger net revenue through cooperative organization of purchases and marketing. Similarly in retail distribution of staple commodities such as milk, there is room for development both of public municipal operation and of consumers’ cooperatives, and such cooperative organization can be extended into wholesale distribution and into manufacturing. Cooperative enterprises should be assisted by the state through appropriate legislation and through the provision of adequate credit facilities.

7. Labour Code

A National Labour Code to secure for the worker maximum income and leisure, insurance covering accident, old age, and unemployment, freedom of association and effective participation in the management of his industry or profession

The spectre of poverty and insecurity which still haunts every worker, though technological developments have made possible a high standard of living for everyone, is a disgrace which must be removed from our civilization. The community must organize its resources to effect progressive reduction of the hours of work in accordance with technological development and to provide a constantly rising standard of life to everyone who is willing to work. A labour code must be developed which will include state regulation of all wages, equal reward and equal opportunity of advancement for equal services, irrespective of sex; measures to guarantee the right to work or the right to maintenance through stabilization of employment and through unemployment insurance; social insurance to protect workers and their families against the hazards of sickness, death, industrial accident and old age; limitation of hours of work and protection of health and safety in industry. Both wages and insurance benefits should be varied in accordance with family needs.

In addition workers must be guaranteed the undisputed right to freedom of association, and should be encouraged and assisted by the state to organize themselves in trade unions. By means of collective agreements and participation in works councils, the workers can achieve fair working rules and share in the control of industry and profession; and their organizations will be indispensable elements in a system of genuine industrial democracy.

The labour code should be uniform throughout the country. But the achievement of this end is difficult so long as jurisdiction over labour legislation under the B.N.A. Act is mainly in the hands of the provinces. It is urgently necessary, therefore, that the B.N.A. Act be amended to make such a national labour code possible.

8. Socialized Health Services
Publicly organized health, hospital and medical services

With the advance of medical science the maintenance of a healthy population has become a function for which every civilized community should undertake responsibility. Health services should be made at least as freely available as are educational services today. But under a system which is still mainly one of private enterprise the costs of proper medical care, such as the wealthier members of society can easily afford, are at present prohibitive for great masses of the people. A properly organized system of public health services including medical and dental care, which would stress the prevention rather than the cure of illness should be extended to all our people in both rural and urban areas. This is an enterprise in which Dominion, Provincial and Municipal authorities, as well as the medical and dental professions can cooperate.

9. B.N.A. Act

The amendment of the Canadian Constitution, without infringing upon racial or religious minority rights or upon legitimate provincial claims to autonomy, so as to give the Dominion Government adequate powers to deal effectively with urgent economic problems which are essentially national in scope; the abolition of the Canadian Senate

We propose that the necessary amendments to the B.N.A. Act shall be obtained as speedily as required, safeguards being inserted to ensure that the existing rights of racial and religious minorities shall not be changed without their own consent. What is chiefly needed today is the placing in the hands of the national government of more power to control national economic development. In a rapidly changing economic environment our political constitution must be reasonably flexible. The present division of powers between Dominion and Provinces reflects the conditions of a pioneer, mainly agricultural, community in 1867. Our constitution must be brought into line with the increasing industrialization of the country and the consequent centralization of economic and financial power–which has taken place in the last two generations. The principle laid down in the Quebec Resolution of the Fathers of Confederation should be applied to the conditions of 1933, that “there be a general government charged with matters of common interest to the whole country and local governments for each of the provinces charged with the control of local matters to their respective sections”.

The Canadian Senate, which was originally created to protect provincial rights, but has failed even in this function, has developed into a bulwark of capitalist interests, as is illustrated by the large number of company directorships held by its aged members. In its peculiar composition of a fixed number of members appointed for life it is one of the most reactionary assemblies in the civilized world. It is a standing obstacle to all progressive legislation, and the only permanently satisfactory method of dealing with the constitutional difficulties it creates is to abolish it.

10. External Relations

A Foreign Policy designed to obtain international economic cooperation and to promote disarmament and world peace

Canada has a vital interest in world peace. We propose, therefore, to do everything in our power to advance the idea of international cooperation as represented by the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization. We would extend our diplomatic machinery for keeping in touch with the main centres of world interest. But we believe that genuine international cooperation is incompatible with the capitalist regime which is in force in most countries, and that strenuous efforts are needed to rescue the League from its present condition of being mainly a League of capitalist Great Powers. We stand resolutely against all participation in imperialist wars. Within the British Commonwealth, Canada must maintain her autonomy as a completely self-governing nation. We must resist all attempts to build up a new economic British Empire in place of the old political one, since such attempts readily lend themselves to the purposes of capitalist exploitation and may easily lead to further world wars. Canada must refuse to be entangled in any more wars fought to make the world safe for capitalism.

11. Taxation And Public Finance

A new taxation policy designed not only to raise public revenues but also to lessen the glaring inequalities of income and to provide funds for social services and the socialization of industry; the cessation of the debt-creating system of Public Finance

In the type of economy that we envisage, the need for taxation, as we now understand it, will have largely disappeared. It will nevertheless be essential during the, transition period, to use the taxing powers, along with the other methods proposed elsewhere, as a means of providing for the socialization of industry, and for extending the benefits of increased Social Services.

At present capitalist governments in Canada raise a large proportion of their revenues from such levies as customs duties and sales taxes, the main burden of which falls upon the masses. In place of such taxes upon articles of general consumption, we propose a drastic extension of income, corporation and inheritance taxes, steeply graduated according to ability to pay. Full publicity must be given to income tax payments and our tax collection system must be brought up to the English standard of efficiency.

We also believe in the necessity for an immediate revision of the basis of Dominion and Provincial sources of revenues, so as to produce a coordinated and equitable system of taxation throughout Canada.

An inevitable effect of the capitalist system is the debt creating character of public financing. All public debts have enormously increased, and the fixed interest charges paid thereon now amount to the largest single item of so-called uncontrollable public expenditures. The CCF proposes that in future no public financing shall be permitted which facilitates the perpetuation of the parasitic interest-receiving class; that capital shall be provided through the medium of the National Investment Board and free from perpetual interest charges.

We propose that all Public Works, as directed by the Planning Commission, shall be financed by the issuance of credit, as suggested, based upon the National Wealth of Canada.

12. Freedom

Freedom of speech and assembly for all; repeal of Section 98 of the Criminal Code; amendment of the Immigration Act to prevent the present inhuman policy of deportation; equal treatment before the law of all residents of Canada irrespective of race, nationality or religious or political beliefs

In recent years, Canada has seen an alarming growth of Fascist tendencies among all governmental authorities. The most elementary rights of freedom of speech and assembly have been arbitrarily denied to workers and to all whose political and social views do not meet with the approval of those in power. The lawless and brutal conduct of the police in certain centres in preventing public meetings and in dealing with political prisoners must cease. Section 98 of the Criminal Code which has been used as a weapon of political oppression by a panic-stricken capitalist government, must be wiped off the statute book and those who have been imprisoned under it must be released. An end must be put to the inhuman practice of deporting immigrants who were brought to this country by immigration propaganda and now, through no fault of their own, find themselves victims of an executive department against whom there is no appeal to the courts of the land. We stand for full economic, political and religious liberty for all.

13. Social Justice

The establishment of a commission composed of psychiatrists, psychologists, socially minded jurists and social workers, to deal with all matters pertaining to crime and punishment and the general administration of law, in order to humanize the law and to bring it into harmony with the needs of the people

While the removal of economic inequality will do much to overcome the most glaring injustices in the treatment of those who come into conflict with the law, our present archaic system must be changed and brought into accordance with a modern concept of human relationships. The new system must not be based as is the present one, upon vengeance and fear, but upon an understanding of human behaviour. For this reason its planning and control cannot be left in the hands of those steeped in the outworn legal tradition; and therefore it is proposed that there shall be established a national commission composed of psychiatrists, psychologists, socially minded jurists and social workers whose duty it shall be to devise a system of prevention and correction consistent with other features of the new social order.

14. An Emergency Programme

The assumption by the Dominion Government of direct responsibility for dealing with the present critical unemployment situation and for tendering suitable work or adequate maintenance; the adoption of measures to relieve the extremity of the crisis such as a programme of public spending on housing, and other enterprises that will increase the real wealth of Canada, to be financed by the issue of credit based on the national wealth

The extent of unemployment and the widespread suffering which it has caused, creates a situation with which provincial and municipal governments have long been unable to cope and forces upon the Dominion government direct responsibility for dealing with the crisis as the only authority with financial resources adequate to meet the situation. Unemployed workers must be secured in the tenure of their homes, and the scale and methods of relief, at present altogether inadequate, must be such as to preserve decent human standards of living.

It is recognized that even after a Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Government has come into power, a certain period of time must elapse before the planned economy can be fully worked out. During this brief transitional period, we propose to provide work and purchasing power to those now unemployed by a far-reaching programme of public expenditure on housing, slum clearance, hospitals, libraries, schools, community halls, parks, recreational projects, reforestation, rural electrification, the elimination of grade crossings, and other similar projects in both town and country. This programme, which would be financed by the issuance of credit based on the national wealth, would serve the double purpose of creating employment and meeting recognized social needs. Any steps which the government takes, under this emergency programme, which may assist private business, must include guarantees of adequate wages and reasonable hours of work, and must be designed to further the advance towards the complete Cooperative Commonwealth.

Emergency measures, however, are of only temporary value, for the present depression is a sign of the mortal sickness of the whole capitalist system, and this sickness cannot be cured by the application of salves. These leave untouched the cancer which is eating at the heart of our society, namely, the economic system in which our natural resources and our principal means of production and distribution are owned, controlled and operated for the private profit of a small proportion of our population.

No C.C.F. Government will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism and Put into operation the full programme of socialized planning which will lead to the establishment in Canada of the Cooperative Commonwealth.

{ 1 comment… read it below or add one }

louisproyect January 20, 2015 at 4:08 pm

This is from volume one of Ernie Tate’s 2 volume “Revolutionary Activism in the 1950s and 60s”, a memoir that I will be reviewing for CounterPunch this week. Ernie, who was born in 1934, joined the Canadian Trotskyists in 1955. He had arrived the year before from Northern Ireland, a factory worker who had become radicalized in part by mass demonstrations he saw in Paris the summer before celebrating the victory of Ho Chi Minh at Dien Bien Phu. Although the memoir is about his life in the
trenches building a “vanguard” party, his outlook today is very much in line
with North Star’s.

Chapter Nine

The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation

WITCH-hunt in Canada, although beginning to lift, were still very much present.
The radical left in the country was small and isolated. But it was not
something that we were prepared to accept as a given fact. We were always on
the lookout for political openings whereby we could widen our contacts with
other socialists or left moving workers. For example, the CCF had been in
decline towards the end of the decade but still there remained a scattering of
socialists throughout the party, working valiantly trying to push it to the
left. Although most of our political energy was focused on our own independent
activities in building our group, we still maintained a policy of encouraging
those of our members who could do so to join and become active in the CCF.

The CCF, founded in 1932 and morphing into the NDP in 1961,
had been in reality a coalition of reform socialists, Christian socialists of
various stripes, labour activists and farmers’ organizations, primarily an
agrarian response to the terrible conditions of the Great Depression of the
193os. It had been endorsed in 1943 by the CCL, the main federation of the
industrial unions in Canada as “the political arm of labour.” The
CCF’s founding document, the Regina Manifesto, which today would be considered
a very radical statement—almost revolutionary—called for the social ownership
of the means of production. Under Tommy Douglas’ leadership in 1944, the Party
had won office in Saskatchewan and one year earlier, under Ted Joliffe, it
became the official opposition in On Most of the industrial unions in Canada
supported the party in one or another, their main motivation to avoid the gains
won at the bargaining table being taken away in the legislatures. It’s the main
reason today the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) still supports the NDP. In
practical terms, aside from asking for their members to support the party,
meant giving the party financial support and assigning staff to work it during
election campaigns. Not all unions supported this policy, however, notably the
craft unions in the Trades and Labour Congress that were noted for a more
conservative viewpoint, that of “rewarding our fried and punishing our
enemies,” what we termed “Gomperism,” after the political
strategy of Samuel Gompers when he was head of the American Federation of
Labour (AFL). In practical terms, this policy led to support for the Liberal
Party at election time and going cap in hand to them if they were elected,
seeking favours.

The issue of “independent labour political action”
was never really settled in the labour movement during the life of the CCF and
there was debate late into the decade and was usually on the agenda of most
union conventions. In those unions that supported this policy, many locals set
up Political Action Committees, “PACs” as they were commonly known,
especially at election time to help win support for the party. Where they did
not exist, we in the SEL [Socialist Educational League, the Canadian
Trotskyists—a very small group at the time] would use our influence to have
PACs established and encourage others to do likewise. The CP, the craft unions
and Tory and Liberal supporters in all the unions, on the other hand, were the
sharpest critics of this political orientation. From early on, however, the
Trotskyists gave the CCF “critical support,” seeing it as representing
a means by which working people in their majority might break from the big
capitalist parties electorally on their way to creating a working class
political alternative in Canada, similar to the Labour Parties in Britain and
Australia. The CCF, the SEL believed, was the form “the Labour Party was
taking in Canada.”

The question of whether the Canadian labour movement as a whole would have its own party
would remain unresolved until the founding of the NDP. For our part, we
regarded ourselves as being part of a broad politically progressive current
within the labour movement fighting to the unions to break from both capitalist
parties. We maintained that the CCF in a limited way was a political expression
of that class independence. The issue would frequently confront us in a very
practical way, such as when the CCF would be under attack from right-wing
elements in the unions, often card-carrying Liberals and Tories, and especially
from the craft unions. Our group would usually ally with left-wing social
democrats to fend them off. For the left it was always a big issue during
election time when the question of who workers should vote for would be on the
agenda. Since its founding, the CCF had steadily increased its support in
Ontario where an important body of trade unionists led by the Steelworkers and
Packinghouse workers had helped get it established but the labour movement’s
support for the party was by no means unanimous. Right up to the founding of
the NDP, party activists were still trying to broaden the labour movement’s
support for CCF and would sometimes be defeated by a combination of Liberals
and supporters of the Communist Party.

Over their history, Canadian Trotskyists always had some
kind of “orientation” to the CCF, whether it was trying to link up
with its left wing or simply calling for a vote for it at election time. They
firmly believed that the next “historical step” for the working
class, after having formed its mass industrial unions, was for it to form its
own political party, most likely a labour party based on the unions, the path
workers in Britain and Australia had taken at the beginning of the 20th
century. Jack MacDonald, for example—as I have already mentioned, he was one of
the early leaders of the group [the Trotskyists] in Canada—was expelled from
the CCF after “entering” it in 1937. When the group re-established
itself after the Second World War, its newspaper, Labour Challenge, carried the
slogan on its masthead, “For affiliation of the unions to the CCF.”
In contrast to this, the CP, still carried its “popular front” line
of the war period, of building a cross-class anti-monopoly coalition and was
hostile over the years to any position that supported the CCF. This is not to
say that there were not considerable modifications to our group’s attitude to
the CCF over time. Probably the most dramatic was in its approach immediate’
after the Second World War when it organized itself as the Revolutionary
Workers Party (RWP) and published Labour Challenge with the perspective that it
could directly appeal to the working class and win mass support to itself.
“In 1945 we had hoped the post war revolutionary upsurge,” Ross Dowson
would later write, “would result in the advanced workers deserting the
CCF, bypassing the reformist stages in their development of political
consciousness and move directly to the recognition of the, need for a
revolutionary vanguard party.”‘ This tactic was based on an estimation of
the deep crises of capitalism continuing after the war but with the expansion
of the economy during the post war reconstruction, militancy in the working
class decreased and the group was forced to dissolve itself as a political
party in 1951 and function, at least until 1955, “entered” in the CCF
as “a nameless semi-underground faction …”

Not long after I came into the group, it was suggested to me
I should join the High Park CCF, a constituency near where I lived in those
days, so I went along to a meetings one evening and signed up as a member,
becoming active in its youth group. After the purging of its left-wing in 1954,
the CCF Youth was then in a sad state of decline and many of its constituency
organizations rarely met. That’s probably why at an annual city-wide meeting in
1956 it was so easy for us to get control of the entire Toronto organization by
getting a majority on its City Executive. I unexpectedly managed to get myself
elected city organizer and Alan Harris became chairman. However, we weren’t
city-wide leaders very long. Soon after getting elected, the Suez crisis broke
out—the invasion of Egypt by Britain, France and Israel in July, 1956, a clear
case of imperialist aggression over Egypt’s nationalization of the Suez Canal.
In response to the invasion, our majority on the Executive organized the CCF
Youth to publicly protest the aggression against Egypt by means of a protest
rally outside the British Consular offices in downtown Toronto, and in true
ecumenical spirit that ran counter to the anti-Communist mood of the adult
party leadership, we invited the Young Communist League (YCL) to come along.
Very surprised to get the invite, they were very pleased to participate.
Because of the prevailing mood, I imagine, such invitations were few and far
between. A couple of hundred people showed up. Everyone was of the opinion it
was a delightful success and a way of making the CCF Youth a more militant and
relevant organization, we thought, but the week was hardly out before we were
summarily expelled because we had “allowed Communists to participate.” But
suddenly we were in touch with more CP youth than ever, an unexpected and
positive consequence of getting kicked out of the CCF Youth.


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