Three types of revolution

by James O'Brien on January 15, 2014

The issue of revolution looms large in the minds of socialists.

The bewildering array of radical groups, most of whom proclaim their allegiance to revolution as the central feature which defines their existence as radicals, gives the impression of them all being fellow travellers on a common journey.

But what is meant by revolution? Do the Sparticists want the same thing as the syndicalists? Does the Socialist Workers Party want the same thing as Syriza?

The Ultra-Orthodox

The Ultra-Orthodox

If we examined the fine detail of each group’s doctrines of revolution, we would likely find that there are almost as many interpretations of revolution as there are groups. So, in a bid to illuminate the fundamental differences between the various conceptions, we are going to dispense with the more nuanced shades that are also a factor in perpetuating the existence of so many radical socialist parties.

In this article we will outline three basic types of revolution, which although not mutually exclusive, do carry their own logic in terms of informing their adherents of their strategic orientation. Before we plunge in, however, we should say that we won’t be addressing that favourite of Anarchist vs Marxist debates: direct democracy vs. party rule.

Mention of Kronstadt is strictly verboten

Mention of Kronstadt is strictly verboten

The three types of revolution are: insurrection against the capitalist state, socialistion of production, and communisation of consumption. Note that a group may support any one, two, or three of the above and call itself revolutionary. Let’s first take insurrection against the capitalist state.

The Rupture

The addition of qualifier “against the capitalist state” when discussing insurrection is important because it refers to one of the great schisms in the socialist movement, that which is personified by the split between Lenin and Kautsky. For the latter, the revolutions of 1918 essentially dealt with the issue of insurrection against the undemocratic regimes. The issue is slightly complicated by the interlude of fascism, a virulent and highly destructive episode to be sure, but not one, in the advanced capitalist states at least, that has had much by the way of longevity.

For Lenin, and those following in his footsteps, the revolutions of 1918 were a failure and have yet to be completed. Revolutionary Anarchists also populate this camp and the differences between them and Leninists is a difference that is mostly internal to this type of revolution. As neither Leninists nor Anarchists like to be identified as belonging to the other’s camp, we designate them as insurrectionists. To say that they are insurrectionists is not to say that they are storing guns in bunkers and plotting a coup d’etat. For the most part insurrectionists think in mass terms, of, for example, a prolonged series of street insurrections of the type that brought down the eastern bloc or, for any youngsters reading this, of Cairo in 2011.

Buonarotti, an insurrectionary of the old school

Buonarotti, an insurrectionary of the very old school

Such an insurrection, if followed through to its end, as in 1917, and not headed off, as in, say, the revolutions of 1848, eliminates the coercive force that prevents the working class from freeing itself from its subordinate role. And, in a mirror image at the opposite end of society, the smashing of the capitalist state leaves the capitalists unable to defend themselves.

That doesn’t mean that it’ll be plain sailing after breaking up the old state apparatus. All insurrectionaries accept that the capitalists will reorganise and fight back but they expect it to free up, to an enormous extent, the possibilities for future action. The central point, then, is that in order to progress towards socialism the coercive force that prevents progress being made on other fronts must be dealt with.

The Socialisers

Lenin’s primary opponents within the socialist movement, the Marxist Centre (roughly referring to Kautsky, Adler, Bauer, Martov etc and the later Eurocommunist parties, though they would likely deny the similarity to the renegade), accepts the legitimacy of the current state. They may have criticisms — even a lot of criticisms — of its democratic shortcomings, e.g. the continuing power of an unaccountable security apparatus, but they are not proposing an insurrection with the explicit aim of smashing it. They advocate democraticisation through reform.

Therefore, while some elements of that lineage may call for a civic revolution and accept a modicum of civil disobedience, it’s more a rhetorical device and quite a different conception to that of the insurrectionary rupture as proposed by Leninists and Anarchists. Their revolution is more akin to that of the industrial revolution or the women’s revolution of the 20th century. Such revolutions brought extremely deep and far reaching change but they are of different kind to the sharp blows of the French and Russian revolutions.

The second axes of revolution they support is the socialization of production. This is likely to prove a little more controversial since most — but not all — socialists are for the socialisation of production; it’s generally considered a defining feature of being a socialist. But we want to look at it in relation to other meanings of revolution — insurrection and communisation — and its place in a hierarchy of strategic options rather than as a moral proposition which one is for or against. We use the word hierarchy here to indicate that a focus on one type of revolutionary activity tends to lower the role of the others, though it does not, of course, exclude it.

The insurrectionists usually consider socialisation of production on a significant scale to be impossible before the capitalist state is smashed. It is, after all, why they want to smash it. The aim of the socialisation of production is to promote alternative social relations to the capitalist ones of employer and wage-labourer and best exemplified by worker co-operatives.

Orthodox Marxism before the schism

Orthodox Marxism before the great schism

The Marxist centrists propose building up institutions capable of sustaining co-operative relations so that when state power is achieved — legally! — a more or less rapid process of socialization of production will ensue. In his later work, Kautsky called this the social revolution and he distinguished it from the political revolution which he viewed as more or less accomplished.

There are two aspects to this, the before and after of achieving state power. Unlike the insurrectionaries, the Centrists aim to build up mass institutions (co-operatives, a mass party capable of securing a parliamentary majority etc) which make the process of socialisation much easier once governmental power is achieved. Where the insurrectionaries aim to put a wrench in the wheel of the reproduction of capitalist social relations by disrupting the state’s role in it, the centrists aim to do so by creating institutions which not only practice co-operative social relations but which, in doing so, demonstrate their economic superiority to institutions organised on capitalist lines.

The more surplus their socialised insitutions can garner, the more they can grow and form a mutually supporting movement, e.g. profitable co-ops subsidize a mass media which in turn helps the party gain a majority. As the workers’ organisations gain political and economic power, decisions regarding investment, e.g., whether to build a nuclear power station or a nuclear bomb, to build a railways or a motorway, become democratised.

Capital allocation is no longer a private decision made by capitalists but a public one made by democratic choice. Capitalism, therefore, is no longer the dominant economic mode of production.

Socialisation is important for insurrectionaries too, but it must wait until part one has been completed. Until that point, the state will prevent the workers’ institutions attaining the power they need to effect a social transformation. Once the state has been smashed, production will be progressively socialised both in order to take steps towards socialism and to ensure that a capitalist class does not reconstitute itself.

Generally, insurrectionaries are a bit vague on this front, viewing too much detail as veering close to prescribing blueprints for an unknowable future. Often they simply say that the socialisation process will be one that emerges organically from the masses transformed by the revolutionary process itself.

The Communisers

There is a third kind of revolution amongst the revolutionary left: the communisation of consumption. Marx, in his ‘Critique of the Gotha Programme’ mentions lower and higher phases of communism. The lower phase is roughly what we have described above as the socialisation of production.

Carlo Caferio led the early Anarchist adoption of communism

Carlo Caferio led the early Anarchist adoption of communism

Under a socialised economy, ownership is held in common and investment is democratically directed, but consumption is not organised in the same fashion. One’s entitlement to consume the social product may still be tied to how much worth one’s labour is deemed to have, e.g. a longer work day could entitle you to a higher income.

For some revolutionaries, such a state of affairs does not constitute a real revolutionary overturn of capitalism at all. Production is still conducted with an eye of accumulation, even if no longer privately controlled. A return to fully fledged capitalism, as occurred when the Soviet Union collapsed, is, in their view, an inevitable consequence of not starting the revolution from this third, indispensable point: an equal entitlement for all in the share of the social product.

Many insurrectionaries and centrists support communism of consumption as a longterm goal but do not see it as something to be implemented straight away or, in the case of the insurrectionaries, in the immediate aftermath of a successful destruction of state power.

And it might seem that the socialisation of production would facilitate the growth of communisation. However, the proponents of the communisation tend to be extremely skeptical that this will occur and instead view a thorough communisation process as the only way to prevent the re-emergence of capitalism.

One of the most eloquent advocates of a specifically communist revolution was Kropotkin. For him, the socialisation of production in itself was a variation on the wages-system of capitalism and it would naturally lead to the recreation of class society.

A modern articulation of this view emerges more from the journal Endnotes:

[Communisation] … a movement characterised by immediate communist measures (such as the free distribution of goods) both for their own merit, and as a way of destroying the material basis of the counter-revolution. If, after a revolution, the bourgeoisie is expropriated but workers remain workers, producing in separate enterprises, dependent on their relation to that workplace for their subsistence, and exchanging with other enterprises… the capitalist content remains, and sooner or later the distinct role or function of the capitalist will reassert itself.  By contrast, the revolution as a communising movement would destroy – by ceasing to constitute and reproduce them – all capitalist categories: exchange, money, commodities, the existence of separate enterprises, the State and – most fundamentally – wage labour and the working class itself.

Similarly, Kropotkin supported the freedom of all to choose their levels of consumption without reference to what they had contributed to society, irrespective of who directed investment or who owned the means of production.

Kropotkin's classic – and very readable – account of communist revolution

Kropotkin’s classic – and very readable – account of communist revolution

For Kropotkin, and in sharp contrast to his contemporary Karl Kautsky, consumption was the basis of political economy since it, in his view, determined how production was to be conducted. For orthodox Marxists like Kautsky, production was the key element which determined what was possible in terms of consumption and, indeed, much else in human society.

Neither the Anarcho-Communists nor the modern Communisers support the socialisation of production as an end. If anything, the severity of their criticism of those who do support it as a key waypoint indicates that they think that way of conceptualising the route to socialism as inherently counter-productive, if not outright counter-revolutionary.At the other end of the communisation pole, but outside the scope of this essay, lie the lifestylist communisers,  e.g. hippies who eschew politics more or less altogether.

It is not the point of this essay to pronounce one way or the other, although as readers of this site will have realised, our sympathies lie with the Marxist Centre. We would, however, like to finish by drawing attention to how these categories of insurrectionary, socialisation, and communisation cut across the traditional way of group radical leftists into Anarchist, Leninist, and Marxist. Apart from their respective views of the role of the state and, therefore, the party, a significant line divides the pre-World War Anarchists and Marxists over the question of immediate adoption of communisation measures. But the traditional division of Marxism / Anarchism doesn’t always capture the views of their nominal adherents, especially as the years drift by. Take Anarchism for example.

  • Proudhon: anti-insurrectionary against all states, pro-socialisation of production and anti-communisation.
  • Bakunin: pro-insurrectionary, pro-socialisation, and anti-communisation.
  • Kropotkin: pro-insurrectionary, anti-socialisation, and pro-communisation.

On the Marxist side, we have:

  • Kautsky: pro-insurrectionary against the feudal states but anti-insurrectionary against the bourgeois democracies, pro-socialisation of production, and anti-communisation.
  • Lenin: insurrectionary against all states, including bourgeois democracy, pro-socialisation and anti-communisation
  • Gilles Dauve: insurrectionary, anti-socialisation and pro-communisation.

This isn’t to argue that, say, Proudhon was identical to the post-1918 Kautsky; their perception of the utility of the state was quite different. But it does indicate that they were somewhat closer than is often thought. Certainly, Bakunin and Lenin shared fundamental similarities, as Kautsky and the left Mensheviks never tired of pointing out in a mixture of horror and glee.

And for all the invective directed by Lenin against Kautsky after 1914, he shared, with the possible exception of the euphoric years of 1917 and 1918, Kautsky’s views on the necessity to make advances on the socialisation of production before new vistas of social progress could be considered.

(Originally posted at Spirit of Contradiction)

  • Jacob Richter

    This is an old article with some mischaracterizations.

    The pre-war revolutionary social democracy combined all three of *class-majoritarian* insurrection against all states, socialisation of production, and communisation of consumption. The cultural societies and recreational clubs of the party-movements weren’t run on a for-profit co-op basis; their business model was not unlike the communization approach.

  • Aaron Aarons

    The struggle against capitalism and for an egalitarian, or even more egalitarian, society, must be seen as a global struggle against, primarily but not exclusively, imperialist capital. There is no way such a struggle can be won through legal, peaceful means, although there may be quite a few peaceful, legal, partial struggles, along with many more violent and illegal partial struggles. The immediate tasks of this global struggle are (1) the impeding of capitalist destruction of the planetary environment and (2) the improvement of the basic material conditions of the most oppressed sections of the global population, partly at the expense of the consumption levels of better-off sections of the global population, including many waged and salaried workers in the imperialist countries.

    It should be noted that lowering the levels of material consumption of large sections of the imperialist-country working classes does not necessarily mean making their lives worse. In fact, it could and should make the lives of many of them better by eliminating the threat of actual immiseration in the forms of homelessness, malnutrition, and loss of medical care.

    What I advocate might, BTW, be called limited communization, allowing the continued existence limited inequality in the distribution of non-essentials in order to provide material rewards for extra effort in the production of social and planetary well-being.

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  • Wayne Collins

    Certainly, “The Road to Power” and “The Social Revolution” – Kautsky’s works written before WWI can hardly be deemed aberrations from traditional Marxist theory. No did Lenin, for one, think they were. In fact, a substantial part of the pre-war socialist socialists advocated forms of cooperatives, mutual aid societies. They were not seen as the vehicle of social revolution as such but they were part of the process of bringing people together to work cooperatively, promote solidarity, generate confidence and energy and thus to sustain an atmosphere where ideas could be exchanged, debated, elaborated. The same was true of trade union activity, electoral processes, publications, propaganda, demonstrations and socialist education – for socialist culture.
    That the SPD degenerated as it pandered to the trade union bureaucracy, that it became inherently if unconsciously undemocratic as so well demonstrated by Robert Michels (for it was the SPD that he was presenting) are all important events for us to understand and learn from as part of the socialist culture that we have to create and understand before we can create a legitimate socialist movement in the present. Another reason why the obsession with the Russian Revolution and its aftermath is so destructive.
    There was a time when Kropotkin (not Bakunin or Proudhon) was studied and read by the socialist left in the U.S. as well as other countries – before WWI. They read their Darwin, Diezgen and a host of commentators on evolution, biology and politics, as well. Kautsky was the most widely read of all and his works are still worth reading. Kropotkin on Mutual Aid was a must – so was his work on the French Revolution. This was part of the fundamental cannon.
    You can call Parsons and Spies anarchists, if you will. But they also referred to themselves as socialists and their goal also as socialism. They are all a part of the revolutionary tradition – as much as Marx and Engel, Lenin and Luxemburg and Trotsky or Bucharin and the Spanish syndicalists.(and not Proudhon). You can add Rudolph Rocker to that group of forebears.

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  • Rey Saenz

    With all that is going on in Ukraine, Gaza, Libya, Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere, and here on North Star I can find no articles or commentaries about any of that, but simply this sort of mush for ‘comrades’ to eat. Sad stuff…. How far down into self made irrelevancy the socialist Left has stumbled itself to…. It breaks my heart, it does.

    • Aaron Aarons

      The North Star, which largely came into existence as a “left” support for imperialist intervention in places like Libya, and has had little real existence since its main founder, Pham Binh, left, hardly defines “the socialist Left”.

      • NATO loving trolls are morons

        Yes, true. But what about ALSO, the roles that Green Left Weekly, Solidarity, ISO, Louis Proyect and his heavily censored list, Znet, Chomsky, Michael Albert, etc. have been playing on these issues? They have all either taken horribly wrong positions, or simply just absented themselves from any participation in speaking out against the most recent Nato/ Pentagon war making in Ukraine, Syria, and Libya, Aaron.

        I might mention ‘alternet’ here, too, which simply threw me offline for pointing about that they were carrying no discussion commentaries about Ukraine at all on their site. Their response to that was to simply to disallow my posts. Sad stuff….

  • Anne Archist

    “One of the most eloquent advocates of a specifically communist revolution was Kropotkin. For him, the socialisation of production in itself was a variation on the wages-system of capitalism and it would naturally lead to the recreation of class society…

    Similarly, Kropotkin supported the freedom of all to choose their levels of consumption without reference to what they had contributed to society, irrespective of who directed investment or who owned the means of production…

    Neither the Anarcho-Communists nor the modern Communisers support the socialisation of production as an end.”

    What the fuck is the author on about? Has the author actually read Kropotkin, or any other anarcho-communists? This is clueless nonsense, backed up by no evidence, and it’s profoundly wrong, as cursory examinations of anarcho-communist theory (especially Kropotkin) will demonstrate.

    For instance, Kropotkin’s main idiosyncratic argument for communism is absolutely *not* a prioritisation of consumption over production – it is *precisely* with the commodity as a product of labour that his argument begins (he actually seems to be using an idiosyncratic holistic theory of labour, as far as I can see, but I’ve not quoted all of that below), and labour and the point of production are emphasised throughout what I think is probably his clearest statement of it:

    “All accumulated wealth is the product of the labour of all–of the present and of all preceding generations… The machinery which you have invented and patented bears within itself the intelligence of five or six generations and is only possessed of value because it forms part of that immense whole that we call the progress of the nineteenth century…

    We defy any man of genius of our times to tell us what share his intellect has had in the magnificent deductions of the book, the work of talent which he has produced! Generations have toiled to accumulate facts for him, his ideas have perhaps been suggested to him by a locomotive crossing the plains, as for elegance of design he has grasped it while admiring the Venus of Milo or the work of Murillo, and finally, if his book exercises any influence over us, it does so, thanks to all the circumstances of our civilisation…

    We defy anyone soever to tell us what share of the general wealth is due to each individual… And provided each man and woman contributes his and her share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they have a right to share in all that is produced by everybody.” – The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution

    He also makes almost exactly the same argument, even using the exact same wording in places, with one difference. There is one clause in a sentence in which he offers three premises, the other two of which proceed from production, in which he refers to the need for consumption as a basis for communism. However, he then *immediately* restates the requirement that people contribute their fair share if they want to appropriate their fair share:

    “Thousands of inventors, known and unknown, who have died in poverty, have co-operated in the invention of each of these machines which embody the genius of man… Thousands of writers, of poets, of scholars, have laboured to increase knowledge, to dissipate error, and to create that atmosphere of scientific thought, without which the marvels of our century could never have appeared. And these thousands of philosophers, of poets, of scholars, of inventors, have themselves been supported by the labour of past centuries. They have been upheld and nourished through life, both physically and mentally, by legions of workers and craftsmen of all sorts…

    Each discovery, each advance, each increase in the sum of human riches, owes its being to the physical and mental travail of the past and the present…

    Under pain of death, human societies are forced to return to first principles: the means of production being the collective work of humanity, the product should be the collective property of the race… All belongs to all. All things are for all men, since all men have need of them, since all men have worked in the measure of their strength to produce them, and since it is not possible to evaluate every one’s part in the production of the world’s wealth…

    All is for all! If the man and the woman bear their fair share of work, they have a right to their fair share of all that is produced by all, and that share is enough to secure them well-being. No more of such vague formulas as “The right to work,” or “To each the whole result of his labour.” What we proclaim is The Right to Well-Being: Well-Being for All! – The Conquest of Bread (which the author says here is ‘very readable’ but doesn’t seem to have actually bothered to pay much attention to when reading it)

    I think it’s fairly obvious in The Conquest of Bread that the switching back and forth between consumption here is based on a “from each to their ability” assumption – it’s not saying that how much you’ve contributed is irrelevant *at all*; for instance, “since all men have worked in the measure of their strength,” and “if the man and the woman bear their fare share of work.” It’s even more obvious in The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution that the labour people put in is central to his argument about what they should get out.

    I mean, these are really really flagrant, significant, and basic errors – to suggest that Kropotkin didn’t care about how production was organised or who contributed to it, and that his focus was consumption…

    The article does, however, correctly point out that for Kropotkin political economy should be the science of the satisfaction of human need by human labour – possibly because he devotes an entire section of The Conquest of Bread to explaining this, so it’s made very explicit. But the way that it’s presented here makes that sound like it’s some kind of consumerist critique of capitalism that isn’t interested in production, or something like that.

    Ironically, whereas Marxists have often focused their labour-movement agitation more squarely on things like wages, anarcho-communists have always focused more on control of the productive process, etc. And it’s clear that Kropotkin is not neglecting where commodities come from or failing to look at the site of labour as a nexus of great significance in society. It doesn’t take much to see how much attention Kropotkin heaps on production – he wrote a whole book, very empirically grounded, talking at great length about how to improve productive techniques precisely because the abolition of scarcity is one of the key goals of communist movements.

    Here’s one extract more or less at random, purely to show how closely he looks at production and how concretely and empirically he treats it (again, ironically, he is actually more concrete in his analysis of capitalism than Marx a lot of the time – Marx definitely based Capital and other texts on hard data, but Kropotkin used a wealth of very specific quantitative data for real cases, beyond that Marx puts into his major works):

    “The 3,600,000 individuals who inhabit the two departments of Seine and Seine-et-Oise consume yearly for their food a little less than 22 million bushels of cereals, chiefly wheat; and in our hypothesis they would have to cultivate, in order to obtain this crop, 494,200 acres out of the 1,507,300 acres which they possess. It is evident they would not cultivate them with spades. That would need too much time—96 work-days of 5 hours per acre. It would be preferable to improve the soil once for all—to drain what needed draining, to level what needed levelling, to clear the soil of stones, were it even necessary to spend 5 million days of 5 hours in this preparatory work—an average of 10 work-days to each acre.

    Then they would plough with the steam-digger, which would take one and three-fifths of a day per acre, and they would give another one and three-fifths of a day for working with the double plough. Seeds would be sorted by steam instead of taken haphazard, and they would be carefully sown in rows instead of being thrown to the four winds. Now all[Pg 198] this work would not take 10 days of 5 hours per acre if the work were done under good conditions. But if 10 million work-days are given to good culture during 3 or 4 years, the result will be that later on crops of 44 to 55 bushels per acre will be obtained by only working half the time.”

    I only really skim-read parts of the article, but some errors stood out so glaringly that I really felt the need to say something, and I think I can be forgiven for not bothering to go back and read the rest of the text properly after noticing this swathe of erroneous claims and implications/innuendoes.

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